¹ In this article I am concerned only with the clothes of men. The spheres of the two sexes were so separate and the aspirations of women so different, that women's clothes need separate consideration.

² Thuc. 1.6.3–5. Judith Maitland has drawn my attention to the baffled and irritated response of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Thuc. 19 to this passage.

³ Ar. Knights 1325.

⁴ 1331; cf. also Clouds 984–6.

⁵ Müller, FGH ii.20.

⁶ Thuc. 1.6.3 says that the fashion spread from Athens to Ionia. Gomme, A. W. in his Historical Commentary on Thucydides(Oxford, 1959)Google Scholar, i.103, thought that it must have been the other way round. But perhaps in the light of the better knowledge we now have of Ionia in the archaic period, Thucydides may be believed.Emlyn-Jones, C. J. in The Ionians and Hellenism (London, 1980), 7 refers to R. M. Cook's influential article, JHS 66 (1946), 67–98, where it was argued that Ionia was rather late in developing socially and economically. ‘Perhaps the most decisive and enduring conclusion of the modern reassessment of the place of Ionia in Hellenism is the discovery that, despite geographical proximity to the east, Ionia lagged behind mainland Greece in exposure to eastern influence’, p. 28.Google Scholar

⁷ II. 13.685; cf. Eustath. ad loc. (who says that the Athenians wore long chitons until the time of the Persian Wars), and the Homeric Hymn to Apollo 147. Pausanias (1.19.1) has a story of Theseus visiting Athens in a long chiton and being laughed at.

⁸ Jacoby, FGrHist 323 F 13. Douris, FGrHist 76 F 60 quotes Asios (Kinkel F 13) describing the Samians, in the seventh century perhaps, or early sixth, going to the sanctuary of Hera in long chitons.Cf. Huxley, G. L., Greek Epic Poetry (London, 1969), 95–96, although in The Early Ionians (London, 1966), 81 he makes a slip in translating a chiton as a "cloak".Google Scholar

⁹ 1.6.4.

¹⁰ See Crowther, N. B., Eranos 80 (1982), 163–168.Google Scholar

¹¹ In archaic art the difficulty is to know when everyday life is being represented. ABV 293,8 has men in long chitons harnessing a chariot. ABV 239,5 (c. 540–20) shows men attending Zeus in long chitons. ARV9,1 (c. 525–500) shows a man conversing in a long chiton. It is just possible that these scenes are ‘heroic’, and if they are, it is not impossible that the men are not dressed as they would be if they were doing these things in everyday life. But ABV 174,1 (c. 550) has men weighing goods in long chitons, and I presume this scene is not heroic. ‘We see far less of the retail trade... in early red-figure’, says Boardman, J., Athenian Red Figure Vases: The Archaic Period (London, 1975), 221. This in itself requires an explanation, since presumably retail trade was on the increase.Google Scholar

¹² Ridgeway, B.S., Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture (New Jersey, 1981), 82, It is certainly remarkable, given the propensity for nakedness in Classical art, that even the most revealed bodies on the frieze should have some indication of clothing, however scanty, and this ‘prudery’ must have iconographic meaning, especially in comparison with the predominantly naked Lapiths of the South metopes. Since the draped grooms show that nakedness cannot be taken as a sign of youth on the frieze, should we assume that clothing distinguished human from heroic or legendary characters?’Google Scholar

¹³ This is the opinion of, for example, Amelung in Pauly-Wissowa (Stuttgart, 1984), 2333, speaking of the chiton, Blum in Daremberg-Saglio (Graz, 1969), 534ff. under tunica, Anderson in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (London, 1890), ii.904. and M. Bieber, Griechische Kleidung (Berlin, 1928), 20–1, ‘Nach Thukydides 1 6 kam der Lange Chiton als Mannerkleid kurz vor seiner Zeit, d.h. etwa zur Zeit der Perserkriege ab, wozu die Denkmaler stimmen.’

¹⁴ A particularly courageous and effective attempt by a geometric painter to depict a long chiton and himation is in Schweitzer, B., Greek Geometric Art (London, 1971)Google Scholar, pi. 51, (NY Met. Mus. 21.88.18). The earliest Greek sculpted male figures are nude. But in c. 560 B.C. the Genelaos Group from Samos includes a clothed male figure [Samos 768, Boardman, Greek Sculpture: The Archaic Period (London, 1978), fig. 93]. In c. 540 B.C. two male figures from Samos are also clothed in long chiton and himation (Samos 68, Boardman, above, fig. 84, and Samos Tigani Museum 285, Boardman, above, fig. 96). Dionysermos (Louvre MA 3600, Boardman, above, fig. 174) is still respectably dressed in a chiton in c. 520 B.C. For an Athenian clothed figure, see Richter, G. M. A., Kouroi: Archaic Greek Youths (London, 1960), figs. 620–623.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Familiar examples are the Delphic charioteer, Lullies, R. and Hirmer, M., Greek Sculpture (New York, 1960), 71, pi. 102–4; in Aristophanes‘ Clouds 70 Megacles driving a chariot, wears aijvons; Pronomos the aulos player, ARV 1336,1; Alcaeus with a lyre, ARV385,228; acithara player by the Berlin Painter, ARV 197,3; Dionysos, ARV 550,2; Dionysos in most illustrations wears a long chiton.Google Scholar

¹⁶ It was at this time too that artists began to work in a simple, serious style, often referred to as severe.

¹⁷ ARV 3,1; 3,2.

¹⁸ This is clear from the plays of Aristophanes. Agathon and Cleisthenes are effete, Thesm. 136ff., Ach. 117–21, Lys. 622. Pheidippides is pampered, Clouds 835–8. See also Knights 1375, Clouds 332, Ass. 632, fragments of a comedy by Kratinos called Malthakoi (Kock, CAF i.42), Pherekrates F 2 (Kock, CAFi.\45), Plato. Hipp. Ma. 294a, 291 a, and Ehrenberg, V., The People of Aristophanes (Oxford, 1943), 73–85.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For laconizing see Ar. Wasps 474–6, Birds 1281–3, Clouds 348, 965, Plato Com. F 124 (Kock, CAFi.634), Plato, Pro!. 342, Demosthenes 54.34; Laconizers had much in common with the aristocrats of the past, particularly long hair. This had often been associated with aristocracy (e.g. the memorable hair of Euphorbus in n. 17.51–2) and tyranny. The word in itself had political meaning, as when Cylon (Hdt. 5.71.1). Plutarch had come across an odd story that explained the origin of Callias’ wealth. A Persian had taken him for a great man at the battle of Marathon because of his long hair, and had offered him ransom (Plut. Arist. 5.6). In Parke, H. W., Festivals of the Athenians (London, 1977), fig. 28 is a drawing of a Daiduchos such as this Callias Lakkoploutos. Since Spartans were oligarchs, the new Spartan look, including the long hair, in the fifth century implied oligarchic rather than aristocratic sympathies, although long hair could still imply effeminacy and aristocratic pretensions as well.Google Scholar

²⁰ The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1899).

²¹ Ibid8ff.

²² Ibid167.

²³ Ibid168.

²⁴ Davies, J. K., Democracy and Classical Greece (Glasgow, 1978), 106.Google Scholar

²⁵ Humphreys, S. C., Anthropology and the Greeks (London, 1978), 143, 171.Google Scholar

²⁶ Peace 1002.

²⁷ Xen. Mem. 2.7.1–14.

²⁸ Aesch. 1.97. There is also mention here of a male .

²⁹ Char. 23.8.

³⁰ Ps. Xen. Ath. Pol. 2.11–12. The Old Oligarch refers to flax used in ship-building, but I assume it was the same material that was used for cloth.

³¹ Ar. Frogs 1346–51, 1386 (), Knights 129 ().

³² Kock, CAF i.243, F 63.

³³ Kock, CAF ii.115, F 236.

³⁴ De Lap. 69.

³⁵ Mem. 2.7.6.

³⁶ Pollux 7.78 see also SIG³ 1250.

³⁷ Wasps 1137. This cloak had been imported, and MacDowell, D. M. in his edition of the Wasps (Oxford, 1971), 279, says that it is the earliest evidence of the use in Athens of textiles imported from the east.Google Scholar

³⁸ French, A., The Growth of the Athenian Economy (Connecticut, 1964), 157–62 discusses the persistent austerity of the Athenian way of life in the fifth centuryGoogle Scholar. Cf. Zimmern, A., The Greek Commonwealth (Oxford, 1969), 214–219.Google Scholar

³⁹ ARV21%,.

⁴⁰ A chiton could take a variety of forms. It could have long tight sleeves; or a rectangular piece of material could be pinned along the top edges so as to cover the arms without being sewn into proper sleeves. On ARV 385,228 Alcaeus wears a smaller piece of material pinned only once on each shoulder, thus forming a sleeveless version. I find the drawing of a chiton in J. Boardman, op. cit. (n. 14), 68 misleading.

⁴¹ Brooke, I., Costume in Greek Classical Drama (Connecticut, 1972), 64–66, suggests that this may be one of the reasons why actors wore a garment with less cloth, a belt and fitted sleeves. J. Beazley, Hesperia 24 (1955), 308 with n. 7 and cf. fig. 61, says that sleeved costumes might well have been introduced for warmth for the musicians. Perhaps this is so, but loose, slipping sleeves would have been a terrible nuisance for, say, a flute player.Google Scholar

⁴² Robertson, M. and Frantz, A., The Parthenon Frieze (London, 1975), North XXXI. 97.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lycurgus, Leoc. 40.

⁴⁴ E.g. ARV 318,1, Theseus as a boy; ARV 1019,86, two girls dancing. F. A. Beck, Album of Greek Education (Sydney, 1975) has collected many Greek paintings of children.

⁴⁵ Ar. Clouds 987 and many drawings, e.g. ARV431,48; 785,8.

⁴⁶ Aesch. 1.25. Cf. Plut. Phoc. 4.2.

⁴⁷ Birds 1567–8.

⁴⁸ Tht. 175e; There is a man in J. Boardman, op. cit. (n. 11), no. 47 (ARV 31, 6) who flouts this rule. I think he is drunk. M. Robertson assures me in a letter that no. 163 (ARV 221,14) is just a badly drawn back view.

⁴⁹ Arist. Ath. Pol. 28.3; Theophr. Char. 4.4–5.

⁵⁰ 19.314.

⁵¹ Plut. Ale. 16.1, Archippus F 45 (Kock, CAF i.688).

⁵² E.g. Robertson and Frantz, op. cit. (n. 42), South XLIV.129, East I. I, IV.20, VI.42 a n d 47, North IX.36.

⁵³ ARV23, 7; ARV 785,8; Athens 3476 Lullies and Hirmer, op. cit. (n. 15), pi. 64; Robertson and Frantz, op. cit. (n. 42), East IV.22.

⁵⁴ Histoire du Costume Antique (Paris, 1922), 25.

⁵⁵ For chlaina and himation used interchangeably, see Ar. Birds 493–7, Ass. 27, 75, 567. Ar. Wasps 677, Birds 1116, 1693, Ass. 848–50, Lys. 1190, refers to the chlanis as a garment for special occasions. Stone, L., Costume in Aristophanic Comedy (Arno Classical Monographs, 1980) has analysed Aristophanes use of clothes for comic purposes.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Trendall, A. D.Google Scholar and Webster, T.B.L., Illustrations of Greek Drama (London, 1971).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ IbidIII.2.4.

⁵⁸ ARV 1336,1.

⁵⁹ The Dramatic Festivals of Athens (Oxford, 1968), 197–8 and 187.

⁶⁰ Demosthenes 21.156.

⁶¹ Trendall and Webster, op. cit. (n. 56), II. 1 (Pronomos), III.1.21 (The Phrygians), III.5.6 (The Persae). Trendall and Webster assume that the material is embroidered. But I am satisfied that the decoration was woven, as argued by A. J. B. Wace, AJA 37 1934, 107–14, and 52 1948, 51–5.

⁶² E.Rhes. 382–4; cf. Trendall and Webster, op. cit. n. 56, III.5.7, III.5.8.

⁶³ A.Supp. 234–7; cf. 120–2.

⁶⁴ 3.139ff.

⁶⁵ Ar. Ass. 311–19. The character of Theophrastus 5.6 who gets a new cloak while the other is still good is absurd.

⁶⁶ Ar. Clouds 179, 497, 865, Birds 497–8 and Kratinos F 207 Kock, CAF i.76, admittedly all in comedy. See also Ass. 333–4 where Blepyrus uses his cloak as bedclothes.

⁶⁷ Theophr. Char. 30.10–11; cf. Diog. Laert. 6.62–Diogenes the Cynic refused to return the one he borrowed.

⁶⁸ As in the dedications to the goddess at Brauron. Cf. A. Ag. 922, Hdt. 1.50.1.

⁶⁹ The existence of the word ); suggests that at a later date the costumes could be kept for another performance. Cf. Pollux 7.78, SIG3 424.85.

⁷⁰ Trendall and Webster, op. cit. (n. 56), III.3.49 shows a scene from the Telephos (not necessarily Euripides’ of course), where the king is very richly dressed. It is an Etruscan vase painting but it is thought to be based on an Attic original.

⁷¹ Plut. Nic. 3.2–3. A choregos could go too far. Aristotle finds a comic chorus dressed in purple fi(EN 1123a20).

⁷² A (probable) replica of Polyeuctos statue (c. 280) is Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 2782.

⁷³ 21.16.

⁷⁴ Xen. Mem. 3.10.4. See also D. B. Thompson, Mater Caelaturae: Impressions from Ancient Metalwork, Hesperia 8 (1939), 315:;Well to do Athenians of the period must have had considerable wealth reserved in these works of art.

⁷⁵ ABV 145,13 (Aias and Achilles), ABV 294.19, ARV 987,1. Cf. Alcaeus F 140 (D. A. Campbell, i.304).

⁷⁶ Lac. Pol. 7.3–4, llJ.Cf. Ar. Lac. Pol. F 86 (Müller, FGH ii. 130). Plut. Moralia 238f., Photius, sv. A quotes Eupolis and Theopompus.

⁷⁷ Xen. Oec. 9.19.2R".

⁷⁸ IbidAn. 3.2.7.

⁷⁹ As Alison, Lurie, The Language of Clothes (New York, 1981) suggests in her choice of title. The photographs in this book show how dramatically the meaning of red has changed since the Spartans chose it for the colour of their military cloaks.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ O. Szémerenyi, ‘The Origins of the Greek Lexicon: ex oriente lux’, JHS 94 (1974), 144–57, endorses a Semitic origin for the word chiton as well as for many other words for apparel, including chlamys, chlaina, and kupassis. Cf. Akurgal, E., The Birth of Greek Art (London, 1968), 192Google Scholar. Traces of cultivated linen have been found at Catal Hiiyiik about 6000 B.C. and the first known Greek linen can be discerned at Lerna c. 2400–2000 B.C. See Gullberg, E. and Astrom, P., ‘The Thread of Ariadne’, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 21 (1970), 16.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Akurgal, op. cit. (n. 80), 192.

⁸² Girshman, R., Persia from the Origins to Alexander the Great (London, 1964), figs. 209–71. The details of various costumes are carefully shown by the sculptors, and Herodotus (7.61ff.) later described the dress of the Persians‘ multinational invading army with equal pleasure.Google Scholar

⁸³ Stierlin, H., The Cultural History of Persia (London, 1984), 33.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Laver, J., Costume in Antiquity (London, 1964) has many attractive drawings of ancient costume.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ II. 5.734–7.

⁸⁶ 5.87.3ff. A chiton could be sewn but it could also be pinned, so that the law which punished women by forbidding them pins does not make sense. Herodotus account that women wore a peplos, and then c. 590 changed to a chiton is not endorsed by the sculpture although there are not many examples of sculpture from this early period. The earliest discernible female clothes in sculpture are chitons.

⁸⁷ For example the seated figures from Didyma (London B271 and B278, Boardman, op. cit. (n. 14), figs. 94, 95); and see Payne, H. and Mackworth-Young, G., Archaic Marble Sculpture from the Acropolis (London, 1950), 102. 88 The Hero relief from Chrysapha (Berlin 731) off. 550, and the Arkesilas painting (Paris, Bibl. Nat. 189) both show men in long chitons.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Lvc. 16.6.

⁹⁰ At least until Mardonius installed ‘democracies’ in 492 B.C. (Hdt. 6.43.3) and probably in many places even after that.

⁹¹ N. 24.229–31.

⁹² Od. 19.232–3.

⁹³ N. 3.125–8, 22.441. Cf. E. Ion 184ff. esp. 197, ABV 76,1 (Francois vase), ARV 721,2 (Penelope's shroud). ARV459,3 (Demeter's robe).

⁹⁴ E.g. Alcaeus F 140 (D. A. Campbell i.304), Sappho F 98 (op. cit. i.122), Alcman F 1.64–9 (D. L. Page, Poetae Melici Graeci, 4), Anacreon F 43 (op. cit. 195).

⁹⁵ Asios F 13 (Kinkel); Xenophanes F 3 (J. M. Edmonds, Elegy and Iambus i. 194).

⁹⁶ Jacoby, FGrHist. II C 126, but cf. C. M. Bowra, Hermes 85 (1957), 391–01. In CQ 35 (1941), 123–4 Bowra maintained that the vocabulary of luxury was neutral or even appreciative of its object throughout the sixth and fifth centuries. A full discussion by G. Nenci and M. Lombardo of the use and changing meaning of the vocabulary of luxury is to be found in Forme di contatto eprocessi di tras form azione nelle societa antiche, Collection de Pecole francaise de Rome 67 (Pise-Rome, 1983), 1019–31 and 1077–1103.

⁹⁷ ‘Dorians and Ionians’, JHS 102 (1982), 1–14. He is especially informative about the attitudes of the historians. See especially the note on Herodotus, p. 12 n. 64.

⁹⁸ 7.102.1,9.82.

⁹⁹ Ion of Chios, F 24 (Nauck, 736), Bacchylides 17.2 (Jebb) and F 26.

¹⁰⁰ Ar. Thesm. 163, Peace 932, Ass. 918, Hermippas F 58 (Kock. CAF i.241), Antiphanes F 91 (Kock, CAFHAS), Callias F 5 (Kock, C4Fi.695).

¹⁰¹ 12.524f-526d; Antiphanes F 91 (Kock, CAF HAS).

¹⁰² 1.155.6.

¹⁰³ Democritus of Ephesus, FGrHist 267 F 1, Plato, Laws 847c, Anaxandrides F 41 (Kock, CAF i. 5), Plato Com. F 208 (Kock, C4Fi.658) and see Reinhold, V. M., History of Purple as a Status Symbol in Antiquity (Brussels, 1970), Coll. Latomus, vol. 116.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Hell. 3.4.19, Ages. 1.28; Cf. Plut. Ages. 9.5.

¹⁰⁵ Plut. Cim. 9.2–4.

¹⁰⁶ Aer. 16ff. in W. H.S.Jones i.l 15–16. Cf.Hdt. 1.142 and Arist. Pol. 1327 b, who says that cold climates bring out a brave spirit while hot climates encourage intelligence.

¹⁰⁷ Ar. Clouds 10, Athen. 12.550d. Chionides F 1 (Kock, CAFiA) mentions a bed suitable for taking on campaign.

¹⁰⁸ Rep. 398d–399a.

¹⁰⁹ Pol. 1340a–b, 1342a–b.

¹¹⁰ Onians, J., Art and Thought in Hellenistic Greece (London, 1979), 17ff.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Robertson, M., A History of Greek Art (Cambridge, 1975). i.347–8.Google Scholar

¹¹² E. Ba. 23311, 453–9. Cf. Ar. Thesm. 191–2 and F. Muecke, "A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Woman‘, CQ 32 (1982), 49ff. who refers to the tradition of painting comasts and poets in female costume. Cf. Beazley-Caskey, Greek Vases in Boston (Oxford, 1954), 2.55–61. W. J. Slater, ‘Artemon and Anacreon: no text without context’. Phoenix 32 (1978), 185ff. and J. Boardman, ‘A Curious Eye-cup", Archaologischer Anzeiger (1976), 281–90.

¹¹³ Mem. 2.21–34. In Atossa's dream it is the woman in Dorian clothes who refuses to be yoked by Darius, A. Per. 182ff.

¹¹⁴ Xen. Lac. Pol. 2.4–6, Plut. Lye. 16.6–7.

¹¹⁵ Xen. Mem. 1.6.2, Birds 715, 915.

¹¹⁶ Pol. 1336a 14–23; cf. Ar. Clouds 961ff.

¹¹⁷ Plut. Ages. 14.2, Phoc. 4.2, Xen. Ages. 5.3. From Aelian, VH 14.10, it appears that the cloak was fashionably dirty as well. Generals who were admired for this sort of austerity tended nevertheless to come from rich families. Cf. Arist. Pol. 1282a31–2 and Davies, J. K., Wealth and the Power of Wealth in Classical Athens (New York, 1981), 122–5.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Plato, Prot. 335d, Sym. 219b, Xen. Mem. 1.6.2.

¹¹⁹ Diog. Laert. 6.8 (Antisthenes), 6.22 (Diogenes).

¹²⁰ Archilochus F 58 (J. M. Edmonds ii.127).

¹²¹ Critias wrote a Constitution of the Lakedaimonians in which he praised their himatia (DK 88 B 34).

¹²² Plato Com., F 124 (Kock, CAH i.634).

¹²³ Philostratus, Lives of Sophists 1.16.

¹²⁴ Plut. Cimon 4.4.

¹²⁵ Ath. Pol. 2.7–8.

¹²⁶ Ar. Thesm. 929ff

¹²⁷ Pinney, G. F., ‘Achilles Lord of Scythia’, ch. 9 of Ancient Greek Art and Iconography. W. G. Moon, ed. (Wisconsin, 1983), 127–6, collects many illustrations of Scythians in Greek vase painting. There was a late sixth century painter who signed himself Scythes.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Arist. Ath. Pol. 15.2, Hdt. 1.64.1. Cf. Ar. Lys. 563–4.

¹²⁹ Fol, A. and Mazarov, I., Thrace and the Thracians(New York, 1977), 123–128.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Cahn, H. A., Revue Archaeologique 1 (1973), 3–22; ARV 648.31, 317.13, 601.21, 324.60, 337.30, 860.8.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Robertson and Frantz, op. cit. (n. 42), North XXXV1II.117 (cap); South XVI.44 (boots).

¹³² Thucydides 1.95.1–3 Median dress involved eye liner and rouge, Xen. Cyr. 1.3.2.

¹³³ R. Girshman, op. cit. (n. 82), figs. 255 and 190.

¹³⁴ Hdt. 6.112.3–113.1, cf. Theognis F 764 (Edmonds i.320).

¹³⁵ A. Ag. 906–11, Xen. Hell. 4.1.30.

¹³⁶ Ar. Wasps 1122ff. It is true that Philokleon was too hot in the warm cloak and that suggests that it was excessively luxurious. But Bdelykleon is a lakoniser (474–6). haughty (135) and . (474). Once again (of course) Aristophanes is ready to pick up a laugh whenever he can.

¹³⁷ Rawson, E., The Spartan Tradition in European Thought (Oxford, 1969), 15–16 and M. Lombardo, op. cit. (n. 96) especially 1098 and 1102. Lombardo explains that luxury was seen as acceptable and desirable in the aristocratic society of the archaic period, when ostentatious wealth and consumption marked the status of the individual aristocrat (1082). But he explains the change in feeling, when the word luxurious became pejorative, as being due to the defeat of first the Ionians by the Persians and then the Persians by the mainland Greeks. I too associate luxury with aristocratic society but I explain the change in feeling as being due to internal changes in society.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Coldstream, J. N., Geometric Greece (London, 1977), 132–5, describes the shift of wealth to the country in the eighth century.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³⁹ Arist. Pol. 12975616–12975628.

¹⁴⁰ J. K. Davies, op. cit. (n. 117), 105.

¹⁴¹ Ahlberg, G., Prothesis and Ekphora in Greek Geometric Art (Goteborg, 1971), passim.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Coldstream, op. cit. (n. 138), 12.

¹⁴³ Hesiod, Works 651–9.

¹⁴⁴ Davies, op. cit (n. 117), 112–13 mentions signs of the survival of cult power e.g. the influential Eteoboutad of 560 (Athenian Propertied Families 9251), Peisistratus‘ influence over local cults (Ibid 11793 XII), and the fact that Cleisthenes’ competitors after 510 B.C. could be characterised by their family cults (Hdt. 5.61.2, 5.66.1).

¹⁴⁵ The earliest evidence for Athenian hoplite warfare is the battle at Sigeum in 610 B.C. between Athenians and Mytileneans at which Alcaeus threw away his shield, F 428 (D. A. Campbell ii.426).

¹⁴⁶ This expression is borrowed from Weber, M.(M. Weber, Economy and Society n [California, 1978], a translation of Wirlschaft und Gesellschaft), who devised a scheme of ideal types whereby an aristocratic polis gives way to a hoplite polis. ‘The ancient polis...from the time of the disciplined hoplite formation was a guild of warriors’, p. 1359. Weber makes clear not only what Athenians were, but how they thought of themselves. Clothes are particularly useful here, for they too reveal both the reality and the attitude.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Davies, op. cit. (n. 117), 130.

¹⁴⁸ Thuc. 6.16.1–2, Xen. Oec. 2.5–6.

¹⁴⁹ Hasebroek, J., Trade and Politics in Ancient Greece (Chicago, 1978), 138–139.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ L. M. Stone, op. cit. (n. 55), 156–60 has listed four passage where the cloak has to be removed before action takes place: Clouds 497, Wasps 408, Thesm. 656, 1181. This careful study has given me assistance throughout this article.

¹⁵¹ II. 22.262–897, 2.773, Od. 8.120ff., 17.167–9.

¹⁵² Hdt. 6.126ff.

¹⁵³ J. Delorme, Gymnasion (Paris, 1960), 20.

¹⁵⁴ Fr. 1335–6 (J. M. Edmonds i.394).

¹⁵⁵ Delorme, op. cit. (n. 153), 24–5, although S. C. Humphreys, ‘The Nothoi of Kynosarges’, JHS91–4 (1974), 90 is more cautious.

¹⁵⁶ Aesch. 1.138, Plut. Solon 1.3.

¹⁵⁷ Davies, op. cit. (n. 117), 102–5.

¹⁵⁸ Thuc. 1.6.5, Plato, Rep. 452d, Athen. 1.14e. Pythagoras the Samian boxer attended the Olympic Games in 588/7 in a purple cloak with long hair (Diog. Laert. 8.47), but his appearance was not unremarked.

¹⁵⁹ Hollander, A., Seeing Through Clothes (New York, 1978), 452–453,‘ When people put clothes on their bodies, they are primarily engaged in making pictures of themselves to suit their own eyes, out of the completed combination of clothing and body. The people who do this most readily are those living in civilizations in which the naturalistic image of man is the cornerstone of art, and the pictures they make when they dress are directly connected with the pictures they ordinarily use and accept as real.’Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ 3.80.1–6. Equality is discussed by W. K. C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy iii. 148–55.

¹⁶¹ 6.38.5–39.1 and 2.37.1.

¹⁶² Supp. 404, Dictys F 336.

¹⁶³ Antiphon, DK. 87 B 44b; Lycophron, quoted by Aristotle, F 91, Sir David Ross, Translation of the Works of Aristotle, 59.

¹⁶⁴ Prot. 322c ff.

¹⁶⁵ Hdt. 9.53.2ff.

¹⁶⁶ Thuc. 1.130.2.

¹⁶⁷ Char. 13.7.

¹⁶⁸ Plut Phoc 25.1. Cf. Xen. Hell. 6.4.4–5 and Pritchett, W. K., The Greek State at War (Berkeley, 1974), ii.243–5.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ pS-Xen. 1.10. Women slaves are more likely to be recognized by their short hair, as in ARV 372,32, where the hair is also blond. Bluemel, C., Greek Sculptors at Work, (London, 1969), pi. 1 shows a lovely sculpture of a slave girl Mynno whose hair is short but whose clothes are exactly the same as any other Athenian woman (Berlin Mus. 737). Ehrenberg, op. cit. (n. 18), 184 quotes Phrynicus 2D ‘Do not dress like a slave’. But ‘looking like a free person’ is used metaphorically, rather than literally, so frequently (see n. 48 and n. 114 above) that I cannot suppose this is literal either. There is also the occasion (Isaeus 5.11) when Dikaiogenes is supposed to have reproached Cephisidotus for wearing a tribon and embades, after he himself had defrauded him of wealth. This certainly looks as if poor clothes were socially unrespectable, and maybe, by this date, they had become so. Of course at no period could a poor man afford to make a grand gesture. A poor man had to wear poor clothes. Only a small group of rich men could choose to dress like the poor. But the nuance here is hard to be sure of. Was the orator accusing Dikaiogenes of being a snob as well as a cheat?Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ E.g. ARV 671,9.

¹⁷¹ DK 87 B 44a. Cf. Xen. Mem. 3.5.16, 4.4.16, Plato, Cleitophon, Arist. EN 1155a22ff, 1167a24, EE 1241 a 15 ff., 1234 b 22.

¹⁷² DK 82B8a. The fragment does not disclose whether Gorgias was recommending homonoia between cities or within the city. References to homonoia in Greek thought are to be found in A. Momigliano, CQ 36 (1942), 119 n. 1 and n. 3, and O. Murray, CQ NS 16 (1966), 370 n. 2.

¹⁷³ Democritus, DK 68 B 249, 250 and 255, E. Phoin. 535–40 Most of the manuscripts read vofxifiov rather than fiovihjv. The emendation by Valckenaer is based upon Plutarch's quotation of the passage (Moralia 481 a), a reading strengthened by 484b.

¹⁷⁴ Arist. Pol. 1266a39ff.; cf. 1267b9.

¹⁷⁵ Will, E., Le Monde grecque et I'orient, I. le Ve. siecle (Paris, 1972), 675–676.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Finley, M. I., Studies in Land and Credit in Ancient Athens, 500–200 B.C. (New Brunswick, NJ, 1951), 85, 100 distinguished eranos loans from interest-bearing loans. R. Oakshott, The Case for Worker's Co-ops (London, 1978), 173 describes the Basque drinking club, the chiquito, where honour and trust control relationships between members.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Thuc. 2.40.4–5.

¹⁷⁸ DK 68 B 255.

¹⁷⁹ DK 89 B 7.1. Cf. Arist. Pol. 1267a2, Rhel. 1387a8–16, Prob. 950a28.

¹⁸⁰ 7.31–5.

¹⁸¹ Connor, W. R., The New Politicians of Fifth-Century Athens (New Jersey, 1971), 18–22Google Scholar, and Veyne, P., Le Pain et le Cirque (Paris, 1976), esp. 186–200. Veyne distinguishes carefully between ‘les dons a la collectivite’, and archaic liberality to ‘clients’ (p. 187).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁸² 8.82.

¹⁸³ 6.31.1.

¹⁸⁴ 21.158–9; cf. Lysias 27.9–10.

¹⁸⁵ Richter, G. M. A., Ancient Furniture (Oxford, 1926).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ ‘The Attic Stelai’, Hesperia (1939), 22, 225–9, and 25, 178–317 passim and especially p. 210. Lysias 19.27–30 mentions the lack of possessions in the houses of comparatively wealthy Athenians. Xen. Por. A.I says that when someone has enough furniture he certainly would not want to buy more.

¹⁸⁷ ‘Artful Crafts: the influence of metalwork on Athenian painted pottery’, JHS 105 (1985), 108–28.

¹⁸⁸ plut AIC 4 speaks of Alcibiades robbing a friend of gold and silver plate. But Plutarch is a late source, the story sounds like folklore, and as he was writing for a Roman audience he may have had to dress the story up a bit.

¹⁸⁹ Sym. 223 c. On this occasion it is the size of the container that is emphasized because Plato wants to bring out the ability of Socrates to drink heavily without becoming drunk. When Alcibiades first comes into the room he drinks out of the mixing bowl. At the end three drinkers are left drinking out of a common, large phiale. Nothing is said about its quality. See Kanowski, M. G., Containers of Classical Greece (Queensland, 1983), 116–117.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ 5.192a.

¹⁹¹ 12.11.

¹⁹² Vickers, op. cit. (n. 187), 114;andD. B. Thompson, op. cit. (n. 74), 313, ‘It is possible that we now underestimate the amount of decorative metalwork.’

¹⁹³ Tac. Ann. 14.43. Wealthy Athenians like Nicias had numerous slaves but they were industrial slaves. Household slaves, who are not productive, are more honourable than slaves who bring in a profit.

¹⁹⁴ Veyne, op. cit. (n. 181), 198.

¹⁹⁵ Dover, K. J., Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle(Oxford, 1974) speaks of extravagance: Predominant moral sentiment was hostile to expenditure on gambling, good food, sexual enjoyment, or any kind of consumption which only gratified the consumer‘, p. 179.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Huxley, A., Brave New World (London, 1977), 102. I owe this quotation to J. S. Askew.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Laver, J., A Concise History of Costume (London, 1986)148, ‘It would be instructive for the student of costume to compare two sets of fashion plates such as those in La Gallerie des Modes and those of HeidelofTs Gallery of Fashion... Although a gap of a mere ten years separates these two publications, the clothes depicted in them are entirely different. What had happened in the meantime, of course, was the French Revolution.’Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Frogs 1067, cf. Peace 1008–9.

¹⁹⁹ See Andreyev, N., Eirene 12(1974), 24.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Pol. 1256b26ff.

²⁰¹ Op. cit. (n. 146) 1361.

²⁰² 14.24, Isaeus 7.3SM0.

²⁰³ EN 1127b27–9