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2 UN Peacekeeping, ‘Monthly Summary of Contributions of Military and Police Personnel’ (2010), {http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/contributors/} accessed on 21 October 2010.

3 While peacekeeping differs from humanitarian intervention both conceptually and practically, in the following pages we focus on the instances of intervention invoked by Chapter VII of the UN Charter for humanitarian purposes.

4 See, for example, Risse, Thomas, Ropp, Stephen C., and Sikkink, Kathryn (eds), The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Thomas, Daniel C., The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001)Google Scholar ; Greenhill, Brian, ‘The Company You Keep: International Socialization and the Diffusion of Human Rights Norms’, International Studies Quarterly, 54 (2010), pp. 127–145CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

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7 Holzgrefe, J. L., ‘The Humanitarian Intervention Debate’, in Holzgrefe, J. L. and Keohane, Robert O. (eds), Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal and Political Dilemmas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar . See Roberts, Adam, Humanitarian Action in War: Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum, Adelphi Paper 305 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 19 for a similar definitionGoogle Scholar .

8 Sørensen, Georg, The Transformation of the State: Beyond the Myth of Retreat (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 103–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar . See also, Spruyt, Hendrik, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 3Google Scholar ; Hinsley, F. H., Sovereignty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 26Google Scholar .

9 Chen, Titus Chih-Chieh, ‘Extraterritoriality: Expanding Exclusive Internal Jurisdiction’, in Sandholtz, Wayne and Stiles, Kendall W. (eds), International Norms and Cycles of Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 141–166Google Scholar ; Gong, Gerrit W., The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984)Google Scholar ; Neil MacFarlane, S., Intervention in Contemporary World Politics, Adelphi Paper 350 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 79Google Scholar . See also, Bull, Hedley, ‘Foreword’, in Gong, , The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society, p. viiGoogle Scholar ; Hurrell, Andrew, On Global Order: Power, Values, and the Constitution of International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 35, 41CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

10 Thomas, Caroline, New States, Sovereignty and Intervention (Aldershot, Hants: Gower, 1985), pp. vii, 48Google Scholar .

11 Wood, Heather Jacques, Nuttall, Taylor and Stiles, Kendall, ‘Humanitarian Intervention’, in Sandholtz, and Stiles, , International Norms and Cycles of Change, p. 269Google Scholar ; Finnemore, Martha, The Purpose of Intervention: Changing Beliefs about the Use of Force (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp. 75–78Google Scholar .

12 Thakur, Ramesh, ‘Humanitarian Intervention’, in Weiss, Thomas G. and Daws, Sam (eds), The Oxford Handbook on the UN (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 389–390Google Scholar . As early as 1992 the then-UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali asserted in his An Agenda for Peace that ‘the time of absolute and exclusive sovereignty […] has passed; its theory was never matched by reality’. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping. UN Document A/47/277-S/24111 (17 June 1992), para. 17, {http://www.un.org/Docs/SG/agpeace.html} accessed on 26 July 2007.

13 Holzgrefe, ‘The Humanitarian Intervention Debate’, pp. 36–43.

14 Wood, Nuttall and Stiles, ‘Humanitarian Intervention’, pp. 271–2.

15 For example, UNSC Resolution 794 said that the Security Council recognised ‘the unique character of the present situation in Somalia and mindful of its deteriorating, complex and extraordinary nature, requiring an immediate and exceptional response’. UN Security Council Resolution 794 (3 December 1994), {http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N92/772/11/PDF/N9277211.pdf} accessed on 14 June 2010.

16 Roberts, , Humanitarian Action, pp. 21–26Google Scholar ; Wood, Nuttall and Stiles, ‘Humanitarian Intervention’, p. 274.

17 The Independent International Commission on Kosovo concludes that the NATO intervention in Kosovo was ‘illegal but legitimate’. The Independent International Commission on Kosovo, The Kosovo Report (2000), {http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/thekosovoreport.htm] accessed on 1 June 2010. In March 1999 the UNSC rejected the Russian demand for a halt to NATO's use of force against Yugoslavia by 12 votes to three, affirming the legitimacy of the intervention. ‘Security Council Rejects Demand for Cessation of Use of Force Against Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’, UN Press Release SC/6659 (26 March 1999), {http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/1999/19990326.sc6659.html} accessed on 13 June 2010.

18 Holzgrefe, ‘The Humanitarian Intervention Debate’, p. 21.

19 Bellamy, Alex J. and Wheeler, Nicholas J., ‘Humanitarian Intervention in World Politics’, in Baylis, John, Smith, Steve and Owens, Patricia (eds), The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 524–528Google Scholar .

20 Holzgrefe, ‘The Humanitarian Intervention Debate’, pp. 21–36.

21 After the humiliating debacle in Somalia, the US stated in Presidential Decision Directive 25 in 1994 that without threats to the vital interests of the country, the US would not be involved in complex humanitarian emergencies. Wood, Nuttall and Stiles, ‘Humanitarian Intervention’, pp. 275–6.

22 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, The Responsibility to Protect (2001), p. xiGoogle Scholar , {http://www.iciss.ca/report-en.asp} accessed on July 2007.

23 Thakur, Ramesh, The UN, Peace and Security: From Collective Security to the Responsibility to Protect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 255Google Scholar .

24 Annan, Kofi, ‘Two Concepts of Sovereignty’, Economist (18 September 1999)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis; UN General Assembly, ‘World Summit Outcome’, UN Document A/60/L/1 (15 September 2005), paras 138–40, {http://www.un.org/summit2005/documents.html} accessed on 26 July 2007. With reservations from the US, China and Russia about the R2P report, it was agreed in the World Summit that forcible humanitarian intervention must have prior UNSC authorisation. See Bellamy and Wheeler, ‘Humanitarian Intervention in World Politics’, pp. 537–8. The 2005 World Summit is discussed in detail in Bellamy, Alex J., Responsibility to Protect: The Global Effort to End Mass Atrocities (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009), pp. 66–97Google Scholar .

25 Ayoob, Mohammed, ‘Humanitarian Intervention and State Sovereignty’, International Journal of Human Rights, 6 (2002), pp. 84–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Thakur, Ramesh, ‘Outlook: Intervention, Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect: Experiences from ICISS’, Security Dialogue, 33 (2002), pp. 327–328, 329CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

26 Ayoob, Mohammed, ‘Third World Perspectives on Humanitarian Intervention and International Administration’, Global Governance, 10 (2004), pp. 99–118Google Scholar ; Thakur, ‘Humanitarian Intervention,’ p. 397.

27 First and foremost, not until after the invading troops found no convincing evidence that the Saddam Hussein regime held weapons of mass destruction, did the George W. Bush administration justify its use of force in humanitarian terms. Second, American attack on Iraq was not given any authorisation by the UNSC. Neal, Terry M., ‘Bush Reverts to Liberal Rationale for Iraq War’, Washington Post (9 July 2003)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis.

28 Acharya, Amitav, ‘Multilateralism, Sovereignty and Normative Change in World Politics’, in Newman, Edward, Thakur, Ramesh and Tirman, John (eds), Multilateralism under Challenge? Power, International Order, and Structural Change (Tokyo: UN University Press, 2006), pp. 95–118Google Scholar ; Weiss, Thomas G., Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas in Action (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007), pp. 124–127Google Scholar .

29 African Union/UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur, ‘UNAMID Background’, {http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unamid/background.shtml} accessed on 14 June 2010.

30 Tan, Mark and agencies, ‘US Presses for More Peacekeepers in Darfur’, Guardian (6 March 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/mar/06/sudan.usa} accessed on 24 August 2010.

31 UN Peacekeeping, ‘Monthly Summary of Contributors of Military and Police Personnel’.

32 Kristof, Nicholas D., ‘China and Sudan, Blood and Oil’, New York Times (23 April 2006)Google Scholar , {http://select.nytimes.com/2006/04/23/opinion/23kristof.html} accessed on 14 June 2010; ‘Responsible China? Darfur Exposes Chinese Hypocrisy’, Washington Post (6 September 2006), {http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/05/AR2006090501187.html} accessed on 30 January 2010; ‘Chinese Shadows’, Boston Globe (8 May 2007)Google Scholar , {http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2007/05/08/chinese_shadows}, accessed on 14 June 2010; ‘The China Syndrome’, Times (London), (9 May 2007)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis. Taylor, Ian, China's New Role in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009), pp. 120–123Google Scholar .

33 Robert Zoellick, ‘Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility’, a speech given to the National Committee on US-China Relations (21 September 2005), {http://www.ncuscr.org/articlesandspeeches/Zoellick.html} accessed on 23 March 2008. This view was echoed by Human Rights Watch, World Report 2006 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2006), pp. 25, 255Google Scholar , {http://www.hrw.org/legacy/wr2k6/} accessed on 24 June 2010.

34 Wintour, Patrick and Borger, Julian, ‘UN Vote Backs Brown's Call for Action to End Darfur Conflict’, Guardian (1 August 2007)Google Scholar , {http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2007/aug/01/uk.topstories3} accessed on 16 June 2010. For the anti-Beijing Games campaign, see Farrow, Ronan and Farrow, Mia, ‘The “Genocide Olympics”’, Wall Street Journal Online (28 March 2007)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB117505109799351409.html} accessed on 20 April 2007; Eric Reeves, ‘The Genocide Olympics’ (17 December 2006), {http://www.sudanreeves.org/Article142.html} accessed on 14 June 2010.

35 Gérard Prunier contends that ‘China holds a large share of responsibility in the ongoing Darfur horror. The reason is exceedingly simple: oil.’ However, the evidence he presents – 96 per cent of Sudan's exports to China in 2005 were petroleum products – can only demonstrate the economic importance of China to Sudan but not vice versa. Prunier, Gérard, Darfur: A 21st Century Genocide (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), p. 178Google Scholar . See also, Kristof, ‘China and Sudan, Blood and Oil’.

36 Goodman, Peter S., ‘China Invests Heavily in Sudan's Oil Industry’, Washington Post (23 December 2004)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis; Large, Daniel, ‘From Non-Interference to Constructive Engagement? China's Evolving Relations with Sudan’, in Aiden, Chris, Large, Daniel and Oliveira, Ricardo Soares de (eds), China Returns to Africa: A Rising Power and a Continent Embrace (London: Hurst & Company, 2008), pp. 280–282Google Scholar .

37 Embassy of the US in Sudan, ‘US-Sudan relations’, {http://sudan.usembassy.gov/ussudan_relations.html} accessed on 7 August 2010; ‘Sudan Peace Act (Public Law 107–245, 21 October 2002)’, p. 6 {http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-107publ245/pdf/PLAW-107publ245.pdf} accessed on 7 August 2010.

38 Cited in Large, ‘From Non-Interference to Constructive Engagement?’, p. 289, note 44.

39 At the end of 2003, its proven reserves stayed at 100 million tonnes only. In the following year they grew sharply to 900 million tonnes and have remained unchanged since then. Its share of the global proven reserves is, however, merely 0.5 per cent. See BP, BP Statistical Review of World Energy, 2004–2010Google Scholar .

40 Ministry of Commerce, China, Zhongguo shangwu nianjian 2008 (China Commerce Yearbook 2008 (Beijing: Zhongguo shangwu chubanshe, 2008), p. 167Google Scholar .

41 Rosen, Daniel and Houser, Trevor, China Energy: A Guide for the Perplexed (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies and Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2007) p. 33Google Scholar ; International Crisis Group, China's Thirst for Oil, Asia Report No. 153 (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2008), p. 24Google Scholar ; Leverett, Flynt, ‘Resource Mercantilism and the Militarization of Resource Management’, in Moran, Daniel and Russell, James A. (eds), Energy Security and Global Politics: The Militarization of Resource Management (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 226Google Scholar .

42 Downs, Erica S., ‘The Fact and Fiction of Sino-African Energy Relations’, China Security, 3:3 (Summer 2007), pp. 44–46Google Scholar .

43 Tunsjø, Øystein, ‘Hedging against Oil Dependency: New Perspectives on China's Energy Security Policy’, International Relations, 24 (2010), p. 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar . This is echoed by Rosen, and Houser, , China Energy, p. 33Google Scholar .

44 BP, BP Statistical Review of World Energy (2007), pp. 9, 12Google Scholar . It grew to 215.6 million tonnes in 2009. Ibid., (2010), pp. 9, 12.

45 Anshan, Li, ‘China's New Policy Toward Africa’, in Rotberg I., Robert (ed.), China into Africa: Trade, Aid, and Influence (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008), p. 38Google Scholar ; Taylor, , China's New Role in Africa, p. 51Google Scholar . See also, Meng, Wang, ‘Da er fu er weiji: Zhongguo waijiao zhuanxing de tiaozhan yu qiji’ (Darfur crisis: The Challenge to and Juncture of Changes in China's Foreign Policy), Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi (World Economy and Politics), 6 (2005), pp. 35–40Google Scholar ; Daojiong, Zha, ‘Zhongguo zai Feizhou de shiyou liyi: guoji zhengzhi keti’ (China's Oil Interests in Africa: A Topic of International Politics), Guoji zhengzhi yanjiu (International Political Studies), 4 (2006), pp 53–67Google Scholar .

46 International Crisis Group, China's Thirst for Oil, p. 24Google Scholar ; Cockett, Richard, Sudan: Darfur and the Failure of an African State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), pp. 55, 277Google Scholar .

47 Apart from the Darfur crisis, there were two protracted civil wars in Sudan since its fight for independence from Egypt and the UK; 1955–1972 and 1983–2005. See Toft, Monica Duffy, Securing the Peace: The Durable Settlement of Civil Wars (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp. 116–149Google Scholar .

48 ‘China Targets 9 Countries for Oil Investment’, New York Times (1 March 2007), {http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/01/business/worldbusiness/01iht-oil.4763783.html} accessed on 1 March 2007.

49 Lee, Henry and Shalmon, Dan, ‘Searching for Oil: China's Oil Strategies in Africa’, in Rotberg, , China into Africa, pp. 131–132Google Scholar ; Large, Daniel, ‘China's Sudan Engagement: Changing Northern and Southern Political Trajectories in Peace and War’, China Quarterly, 199 (2009), pp. 623–624CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; ‘China, Kenya Discuss New Corridor for Southern Sudan Oil’, Sudan Tribune (16 October 2009)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis; ‘Toyota Tsusho Proposes Juba-Kenya Pipeline’, BMI Middle East and Africa Oil and Gas Insight (1 March 2010)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis; Mimani, Mwaura, ‘China Joins Contest to Fund Second Port in Lamu’, Business Daily (Nairobi), (4 May 2010)Google Scholar , {http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Company%20Industry/China%20joins%20contest%20to%20fund%20second%20port%20in%20Lamu/-/539550/911498/-/item/0/-/u2jb9m/-/index.html}, accessed on 24 July 2010; Lauria, Joe, ‘China Courts Secessionists in Sudan, Breaking a Mold’, Wall Street Journal Online (22 October 2010)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303496104575559894121507042.html} accessed on 25 October 2010.

50 High-level mutual visits are infrequent and the last state visit to Tripoli by Chinese President was in April 2002 by Jiang Zemin. Libya disapproved in 2009 the sale of Verenex Energy, a Canada-based oil exploring firm in Libya, to CNPC. Swartz, Spencer, ‘CNPC Ends Takeover Bid as Libya Balks over Deal’, Wall Street Journal Online (9 September 2009)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB125242278728892643.html} accessed on 22 June 2010.

51 Zhang Yunling of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences has said that ‘[t]he Chinese are very familiar with such “humanitarian intervention” in their past and see it as a tool that was often used by advanced countries to conquer so-called “barbarous ones” and to impose “civilized standards” on them’. Yunling, Zhang, ‘China: Whither the World Order after Kosovo?’, in Schnabel, Albrecht and Thakur, Ramesh (eds), Kosovo and the Challenge of Humanitarian Intervention (Tokyo: UN University Press, 2000), p. 122Google Scholar .

52 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Position Paper of the People's Republic of China on the UN Reforms’ (7 June 2005), {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t199318.htm} accessed on 14 September 2007.

53 Zhang Yunling, ‘China’, p. 117.

54 Rice, Susan, Lake, Anthony and Payne, Donald, ‘We Saved Europeans. Why Not Africans?’, Washington Post (2 October 2006)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis. Susan Rice has been US ambassador to the UN since January 2009. Anthony Lake was a co-head of Barack Obama's foreign policy advisors during his election campaign in 2006–2008.

55 Xinhua, , ‘China “Deeply Concerned” over Kosovo's Declaration of Independence’, People's Daily Online (18 February 2008)Google Scholar , {http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6355852.html} accessed on 18 February 2008.

56 In defending his country's stance on Darfur, Liu Guijin, China's special representative on the Darfur issue, said, ‘It is not China's Darfur, it is first Sudan's Darfur and then Africa's Darfur’. Cited in Dickie, Mure, ‘China Defends Its Stance on Darfur’, Financial Times (28 July 2007)Google Scholar , through Factiva.

57 ‘Chinese President Puts Forward Four-Point Principle on Solving Darfur Issue’, Xinhua News Agency (3 February 2007), through Factiva.

58 Julie Flint and Alex de Waal write, ‘It took much arm-twisting by the Americans for the AU Peace and Security Council to consider handing over AMIS [African Union Mission in Sudan] to the UN.’ Flint, Julie and Waal, Alex de, Darfur: A New History of a Long War (London: Zed Books, 2008), p. 199Google Scholar .

59 Chang, David, ‘Taiwan Watches Kosovo's Independence’, China Post (18 February 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/2008/02/18/143322/Taiwan-watches.htm} accessed on 10 August 2010. After the International Court of Justice issued in July 2010 a non-binding opinion that Kosovo's break from Serbia does not violate international law, the pro-independence Taiwan News editorialised that ‘[t]he ICJ opinion on Kosovo also hints that a declaration or, more precisely, a formal affirmation by Taiwan of its independence would probably not “violate international law” especially since Taiwan has actually never been part of the PRC State.’ ‘ICJ, Kosovo and Taiwan's Future’, Taiwan News Online (3 August 2010), {http://www.etaiwannews.com/etn/news_content.php?id=1330828&lang=eng_news&cate_rss=news_Editorial}, accessed on 10 August 2010.

60 Longde, Tu, ‘Da Er Fu Er weiji zhi toushi’ (A Perspective on the Darfur Crisis), Alabo shijie (The Arab World), 4 (2005), pp 2–7Google Scholar ; Hengkun, Jiang and Hongwu, Liu, ‘Zhongzu rentong haishi ziyuan zhengdo – Sudan Da Er Fu Er diqu chongtu genyuan tanxi’ (Racial Identity or Resource Competition: An Analysis of the Origin of the Darfur Crisis in Sudan), Xiya Feizhou (West Asia and Africa), 5 (2005), pp. 9–13Google Scholar ; Wang Meng, ‘Darfur Crisis’; Zha Daojiong, ‘China's Oil Interests in Africa’.

61 A notable exception is Jianhua, Wu, ‘Qianxi Da Er Fu Er heping jingcheng ji qi mianlin de tiaozhan’ (A Brief Analysis of the Peace Process in Darfur and the Challenges Ahead), Wu jing xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Chinese People's Armed Police Force Academy), 25:1 (January 2009), pp. 33–35Google Scholar .

62 Flint, and Waal, de, Darfur; Jok Madut Jok, Sudan: Race, Religion and Violence (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2007)Google Scholar ; Meredith, Martin, The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence (London: Free Press, 2005), pp. 344–347, 356–361, 588–599Google Scholar ; Prunier, Darfur.

63 Liu Guijin, ‘Darfur and Sino-African Relations’, a speech given to the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London (22 February 2008), {http://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/files/11105_220208guijin.pdf}, accessed on 26 March 2008.

64 Suolao, Wang, ‘Da Er Fu Er wenti yu Zhongguo huayuquan – ping Quanqiu shiye xia de Da Er Fu Er wenti yanjiu yi shu’ (Darfur Issue and China's Discursive Power – A Review of A Global Perspective on the Darfur Issue), Xi Ya Feizhou (West Asia and Africa), 3 (2009), pp. 75–76Google Scholar .

65 General Gordon and Lord Elgin led the raid on the Old Summer Palace, Yuan Ming Yuan, in Beijing in October 1860 in the Second Opium War. Lee and Shalmon, ‘Searching for Oil’, p. 112; Cockett, , Sudan, p. 52Google Scholar . The quote is from Strauss, Julia C., ‘The Past in the Present: Historical and Rhetorical Lineages in China's Relations with Africa’, China Quarterly, 199 (2009), p. 784CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

66 Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the United Kingdom, ‘Statement of the Chinese Embassy on the Case of Akmal Shaikh’ (29 December 2009), {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/ce/ceuk/eng/sghd/t648674.htm} accessed on 7 June 2010, emphasis added.

67 Beginning in the Treaty of the Bogue (1843), a supplementary treaty to the Sino-British Treaty of Nanjing (1842), China granted the ‘civilized’ West the right of extraterritoriality. It was not abolished until 1943, a full century later. Gong, , The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society, pp. 130–163Google Scholar .

68 Stone, Isaac, ‘All Politics Is Local’, Newsweek (4 January 2010)Google Scholar , {http://www.newsweek.com/2010/01/03/all-politics-is-local.html} accessed on 7 June 2010. Shaikh was convicted of carrying 4,030 gram of heroin into China's Xinjiang in September 2007. His family alleged that he suffered from bipolar disorder and was manipulated by drug smugglers in Poland. But the Chinese government countered that it was not presented with any previous record of his mental illness. ‘British Man Said to Be Mentally Ill Executed in China’, BBC News Online (29 December 2009), {http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/8433285.stm} accessed on 20 January 2010.

69 Verbatim Record of 5015th Meeting of the Security Council (30 July 2004), p. 14, {http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/PRO/N04/445/15/PDF/N0444515.pdf} accessed on 20 October 2010.

70 Williams, Paul and Bellamy, Alex, ‘The Responsibility to Protect and the Crisis in Darfur’, Security Dialogue, 36 (2005), pp. 27–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

71 Prunier, , Darfur, p. 140Google Scholar . This is echoed by M. W. Daly who argues that ‘the Europeans – who, after all, with Russia hold three of the Security Council's five permanent seats – fail to take any steps that would constitute action’. Daly, M. W., Darfur's Sorrow: A History of Destruction and Genocide (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 293–294Google Scholar . France's interest in Darfur has grown since Nicolas Sarkozy assumed presidency in May 2007. Sarkozy appointed Bernard Kouchner, a co-founder of Médecin Sans Frontièrs, the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs. Marquand, Robert, ‘Sarkozy's Coming-Out Party on Darfur’, Christian Science Monitor (26 June 2007)Google Scholar , {http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0626/p06s01-woeu.html} accessed on 23 June 2010.

72 Prunier, , Darfur, pp. 138–140Google Scholar . John Garang was the leader of SPLA between 1983 and 2005. See Flint, and Waal, de, Darfur, pp. 167–170Google Scholar for an account of the activities of USAID in Sudan.

73 Hehir, Aiden, Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo: Iraq, Darfur and the Record of Global Civil Society (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 79CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

74 Prunier, , Darfur, p. 89Google Scholar ; Daly, , Darfur's Sorrow, p. 293Google Scholar .

75 Ibid.

76 Waal, Alex de, ‘Darfur and the Failure of the Responsibility to Protect’, International Affairs, 83 (2007), pp. 1042Google Scholar ; Flint, and Waal, de, Darfur, p. 182Google Scholar ; Prunier, , Darfur, p. 140Google Scholar ; Thakur, The UN, Peace and Security, p. 131; Weisman, Steven R., ‘Powell Says Rapes and Killings in Sudan Are Genocide’, New York Times (10 September 2004)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis.

77 Jok, , Sudan, pp. 238–274Google Scholar . George W. Bush defended his decision not to commit troops into Darfur in an interview with the BBC in February 2008. ‘In Full: George W Bush's BBC Interview’, BBC News Online (14 February 2008), {http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7245670.stm}, accessed on 15 February 2008.

78 Brinkley, Joel, ‘Plan to End Darfur Violence Is Failing, Officials Say’, New York Times (28 January 2006)Google Scholar , {http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/28/politics/28darfur.html}, accessed on 15 June 2010; Jok, , Sudan, p. 24Google Scholar .

79 Dempsey, Judy, ‘Pressure Rises over NATO's Darfur role’, New York Times (19 February 2006)Google Scholar , {http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/19/world/europe/19iht-darfur.html} accessed on 11 June 2010; Lynch, Colum, ‘UN Chief Seeks Western Support for Darfur Force’, Washington Post (3 March 2006)Google Scholar , {http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/02/AR2006030201770.html} accessed on 11 June 2010. The quote is from Dempsey.

80 See Prunier, , Darfur, pp. 165–166Google Scholar for the problems of the DPA.

81 UN Department of Public Information, ‘Security Council Expands Mandate of UN Mission in Sudan to Include Darfur, Adopting Resolution 1706 by Vote of 12 in Favour, with 3 Abstaining’ (31 August 2006), {http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/sc8821.doc.htm} accessed on 17 June 2010; Hehir, , Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo, p. 67Google Scholar . China, Russia and Algeria abstained from the resolution.

82 De Waal, ‘Darfur and the Failure of Responsibility to Protect’, p. 1042; International Crisis Group, China's Thirst for Oil, p. 27Google Scholar ; Large, ‘China's Sudan Engagement’, p. 619; ‘Liu Guijin: jiejue Da Er Fu Er wenti ying zhuzhong san lingyu san yuanze’ (Liu Guijin: We Should Emphasize Three Areas and Three Principles in Resolving the Darfur Issue), Xinhua News Agency (22 June 2007), {http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2007–06/22/content_6276882.htm} accessed on 17 August 2010.

83 UN Department of Public Information, ‘Security Council Authorizes Deployment of UN-African Union “Hybrid” Peace Operation in Bid to Resolve Darfur Conflict’ (31 July 2007), {http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/sc9089.doc.htm} accessed on 16 June 2010; Flint, and Waal, de, Darfur, p. 196Google Scholar .

84 At the end of September 2010, only seven Western states (Canada, Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden) contributed military and police personnel to the UNAMID, but their combined contributions were only 21 or 0.10 per cent of the total. UN Peacekeeping, ‘Monthly Summary of Contributors of Military and Police Personnel’.

85 He, Yin, ‘The Peacekeeping Dragon Is on Safari’, Asia Times Online (8 February 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/JB08Ad01.html} accessed on 20 February 2008.

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87 Cooper, Helene, ‘Spielberg Drops Out as Adviser to Beijing Olympics in Dispute over Darfur Crisis’, New York Times (13 February 2008)Google Scholar , {http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/13/world/asia/13china.html} accessed on 19 June 2010.

88 ‘China Gives Rare Rebukes to Ally Sudan’, Irish Examiner (25 February 2008), through Factiva.

89 UN Peacekeeping, ‘Monthly Summary of Contributors of Military and Police Personnel’.

90 The meteoric rise of China's material power helps to restore Chinese people's confidence in their old civilisation and enables the elites to resist or reject the norm of democratic governance derived from the West. Lynch, Daniel C., ‘Envisioning China's Political Future: Elite Responses to Democracy as a Global Constitutive Norm’, International Studies Quarterly, 51 (2007), pp. 701–722CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

91 In addition to China and Russia, some formerly colonised Muslim countries such as Algeria, Pakistan and Qatar gave Sudan their backing in the voting for the UNSC Resolutions 1556 (2004), 1564 (2004), 1591 (2005), 1593 (2005), 1672 (2006) and 1706 (2006). In contrast, China's alleged arms proliferation to Pakistan and Iran as well as the undertaking of nuclear tests from 1993 to 1996 have not attracted solid support from the countries of the South. Therefore, China's socialisation into international norms is an uneven process and partly contingent on whether it has ‘like-minded’ allies in the developing world to shield itself from the normative pressure to conform. For the negative reactions of developing countries to China's nuclear tests, see Johnston, , Social States, p. 113Google Scholar .

92 Zhongying, Pang, ‘China's Non-Intervention Question’, Global Responsibility to Protect, 1 (2009), p. 250Google Scholar .

93 Bellamy, , Responsibility to Protect, p. 153Google Scholar .

94 Sudan made it be known in April 2007 that ‘[t]he force will be hybrid only in that the UN will provide the funding’ and that the UN ‘could provide technicians and office worker but no combat troops’. Prunier, , Darfur, p. 182Google Scholar , emphasis in original.

95 Chan, Gerald, China's Compliance in Global Affairs: Trade, Arms Control, Environmental Protection, Human Rights (Singapore: World Scientific, 2006)Google Scholar ; Johnston, , Social States; Ann Kent, Beyond Compliance: China, International Organizations, and Global Security (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar .

96 See Articles 56 and 58 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982, {http://www.un.org/Depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/closindx.htm} accessed on 29 July 2010. Major General Luo Yan of the People's Liberation Army's Academy of Military Sciences points out that the drill area is only 500 km (270 nautical miles) from Beijing. Yan, Luo, ‘Why China Opposes US-South Korean Military Exercises in the Yellow Sea’, People's Daily Online (16 July 2010)Google Scholar , {http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90780/91342/7069743.html} accessed on 29 July 2010.

97 Spegele, Brian, ‘US, China Avoid Tiff over Plans for Naval Exercises off Korean Coast’, Wall Street Journal Online (15 July 2010)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703394204575368110456298760.html}, accessed 28 July 2010; idem, ‘A Sea Change in US-China Naval Relations’, ibid., (17 July2010), {http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2010/07/17/a-sea-change-in-us-china-naval-relations} accessed on 28 July 2010.

98 Initially the US planned to deploy the USS George Washington to the Yellow Sea in the second exercise in September 2010. But later the government changed its mind. Xiaokun, Li and Cafarello, Natalie Trusso, ‘US Aircraft Carrier Heads for Yellow Sea’, China Daily (7 August 2010)Google Scholar , {http://www.chinadaily.cn/world/2010–08/07/content_11114261.htm} accessed on 7 August 2010; ‘Yellow Sea Drill Involves No Aircraft Carriers: US’, Agence France Presse (20 August 2010), through Factiva. The plans for another military exercise in October 2010 in the Yellow Sea that would have involved the aircraft carrier were cancelled ahead of a G20 summit meeting in Seoul in November 2010. Huang, Cary, ‘Scrapping of Joint Exercise Shows Sino-US Ties Warming’, South China Morning Post (26 October 2010)Google Scholar , through LexisNexis.

99 Blumenthal, Daniel, ‘The US Stands Up to China's Bullying’. Wall Street Journal Online (27 July 2010)Google Scholar , {http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703700904575391862120429050.html} accessed on 28 July 2010.

100 Maritime powers, particularly the US, have long been opposed to coastal states' quest for expanding their jurisdictions seawards beyond the territorial waters. What is significant now is that it is China, a strong candidate for world power, rather than the traditional ‘territorialists’ such as Brazil and Peru that challenges the US. Boczek, Boleslaw Adam, ‘Peacetime Military Activities in the Exclusive Economic Zone of Third Countries’, Ocean Development and International Law, 19 (1988), pp. 445–468CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Pedrozo, Raul (Pete), ‘Preserving Navigational Rights and Freedoms: The Right to Conduct Military Activities in China's Exclusive Economic Zone’, Chinese Journal of International Law, 9 (2010), pp. 9–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

101 China's assertiveness in both the Yellow Sea and the South China Sea has met with resistance from the US as well as Southeast Asian countries for the latter. ‘Testing the Waters’, Economist (31 July 2010), through Factiva.

102 Hobsbawm, Eric, Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism (London: Little, Brown, 2007), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar

103 China began to take major steps in resolving the Darfur crisis when the preparation of the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games was reaching its final stage.

104 It is argued that Kofi Annan, then UN Secretary-General, Canada and the ICISS were the norm entrepreneur, champion and broker of R2P respectively. Weiss, Thomas G. and Thakur, Ramesh, Global Governance and the UN: An Unfinished Journey (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010), pp. 317–319Google Scholar . For the role of the West in creating the norm of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War era, see Wheeler, Nicholas J., ‘The Humanitarian Responsibilities of Sovereignty: Explaining the Development of a New Norm of Military Intervention for Humanitarian Purposes in International Society’, in Welsh, Jennifer M. (ed.), Humanitarian Intervention and International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 29–51Google Scholar ; Finnemore, , The Purpose of Intervention, pp. 52–84Google Scholar .