Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-t5pn6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-18T08:31:41.576Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Chinese Central-provincial Fiscal Relationships, Budgetary Decline and the Impact of the 1994 Fiscal Reform: An Evaluation*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Abstract

The Chinese central-provincial fiscal relationship of the reform era has been at the centre of academic attention in the last few years. It is rapidly becoming one of the most researched areas regarding China. Despite numerous publications, however, there are still some crucial issues that have not been sufficiently elucidated. First, the emphasis of discussions so far has been on formal budgetary relations, particularly the distributive pattern of revenue collection. In reality, the scope and impact of the Chinese budget are very much smaller than those elsewhere and the pattern of revenue collection is only one aspect of the multi-faceted central-provincial fiscal relationship. An appreciation of these aspects and their implications requires a better understanding of the full range of arenas in which the Chinese central government interacts with the provinces over public finance than is currently available. Secondly, it is generally accepted that the Chinese central-provincial fiscal relationship has been decentralized during the reform era, and that this change has underpinned the growing strength of the provinces and the decline in central power. However, the change in the relationship is actually more complex than one-dimensional decentralization would suggest, and the link between fiscal decentralization and political decentralization is less straightforward from a comparative perspective. Thirdly, it is widely accepted that there has been a fiscal decline in China and that the revenue-sharing system – implemented up to 1993 – was the cause of this decline. From this understanding, erroneous conclusions have been drawn. On the one hand, some scholars suggest that this decline signifies a limit on the Chinese state in its relation to the economy, and it is this factor that has underpinned the success of the Chinese economy during the reform. On the other, this decline is considered to epitomize the emergence of a “weak centre, strong localities” situation in China that may eventually lead to the disintegration of the Chinese political system. But it is far from established that there has indeed been a fiscal decline in the true sense of the term. The same can be said on the question of this decline, if it exists, representing the limiting of the Chinese state in relation to the economy or the decline of the central power relative to that of the provinces. Fourthly, in 1994 the Chinese government launched important reforms to the central-provincial fiscal relationship, aiming to replace the previous revenue-sharing system with a tax-sharing system (TSS, or fenshuizhi), and ultimately to stem so-called fiscal decline. Despite earlier reported problems, recent official reports have claimed substantial success of this reform in terms of improvement in the so-called “two ratios” – the ratio of budgetary revenue to GDP, and the ratio of central budgetary revenue to total budgetary revenue. What do these two ratios signify? How should we interpret such success? Does the success on the one hand confirm the allegation that the revenue-sharing system was the cause of the Chinese fiscal decline? And does it on the other hand indicate a strengthening in the centre's power relative to the provinces'?

Type
Focus on Employment Issues
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. The more important publications include Calhoun, Craig and Calhoun, Craig, “The evolution of central-provincial fiscal relations in China, 1971–1984: the formal system,” The China Quarterly, No. 125 (1991), pp. 132Google Scholar; World Bank, China: Revenue Mobilization and Tax Policy (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1990)Google Scholar; Wong, Christine P. W., “Central-local relations in an era of fiscal decline – the paradox of fiscal decentralization in post-Mao China,” The China Quarterly, No. 128 (1991), pp. 691714.Google ScholarThe single most useful reference is Wong, Christine P. W., Calhoun, Craig and Woo, Wing T., Fiscal Management and Economic Reform in the People's Republic of China (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1995)Google Scholar, app. 1 and ch. 3. The book edited by Calhoun, Craig, Zhongguo caizheng tizhi gaige yanjiu (A Study of China's Fiscal Reform) (Beijing: Zhongguo caizheng chubanshe, 1992) is also very informative about the viewpoint of the Ministry of Finance.Google Scholar

2. Chung, Jae Ho, “Studies of central-provincial relations in the People's Republic of China: a mid-term appraisal,” The China Quarterly, No. 142 (1995), p. 491.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. Calhoun, Craig, Calhoun, Craig and Weingast, Barry R., “Federalism, Chinese style – the political basis for economic success in China,” World Politics, No. 48 (1995), pp. 5081.Google Scholar

4. Calhoun, Craig and Calhoun, Craig, Zhongguo guojia nengli baogao (A Report on the Capacity of the Chinese State) (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

5. For example, see: Chung, Jae Ho, “Beijing confronting the provinces: the 1994 tax-sharing reform and its implications for central-provincial relations in China,” China Information, Vol. IX, No 2/3 (19941995), pp. 123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. As indicated by Peng, Premier Li in his speech to the participants of the National Finance Works Conference in December 1997. See Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 19 December 1997, p. 1.Google Scholar

7. This draws on International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Development Report 1988 (New York: Oxford University Press), p. 45.Google Scholar

8. World Bank, China: Revenue Mobilization and Tax Policy, pp. 115–11.Google Scholar

9. Another reason for the pre-reform system was the relative case of maintaining central control over revenue collection. As a matter of fact, prior to reform, the tax structure was very simple with only one tax for SOEs and two taxes for non-SOEs. Indeed, tax revenue comprised only a lesser part of total budgetary revenue, with the rest made up of profit remittance from the state-owned enterprises. Then the dominance of central planning made the enterprises' operation, including their tax obligation and profit remittance level, transparent to the authorities. On the spending side, priority was given to economic construction and defence, areas in which there is a considerable economy of centralization. For the two periods 1971–75 and 1976–80, for instance, these two items together claimed 76.8% and 76.3% of total budgetary spending.Google Scholar

10. Then the so-called total centralization system (tongshou tongzhi) was implemented. Provinces turned over all locally-collected revenue to the centre and received all their revenue from central government transfers. The level of a province's collected revenue bore no relationship to the level of permitted expenditures. Calhoun, Craig, A Study of China's Fiscal Reform, p. 51.Google Scholar

11. Kenneth, Lieberthal and Lampton, David M. (eds.), Bureaucracy, Politics, and Decision Making in Post-Mao China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).Google Scholar

12. Wong, “Central-local relations in an era of fiscal decline,” p. 701.Google Scholar

13. Wong's study showed the rise in the centre's share continuing up to late the 1980s. This may be because the data used included borrowing.Google Scholar

14. World Bank, World Development Report 1997 (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1997), p. 121.Google Scholar

15. See Calhoun, Craig and Calhoun, Craig, A Report on the Capacity of the Chinese State, p. 138.Google Scholar

16. Calhoun, Craig, “Central-local relations in China during the reform era,” World Development, Vol. 24, No. 4 (1996), p. 660, fig. 3.Google Scholar

17. Wong, “Central-local relations in an era of fiscal decline.”Google Scholar

18. World Bank, Urban Policy and Economic Development: An Agenda for the 1990s: A World Bank Policy Paper (Washington DC: World Bank, 1990), p. 26.Google Scholar

19. Wong, , Heady, and Woo, , Fiscal Management and Economic Reform, p. 233.Google Scholar

20. Ibid. pp. 234–240.

21. The budgetary revenue we use here is already adjusted for its definition to include the subsidies to SOEs as revenue items, rather than revenue-negating items. This has the effect of increasing the size of budgetary revenue, thus reducing the ratio.Google Scholar

22. See Xinhua yuebao, No. 7 (1992), pp. 5662.Google Scholar Originally published in Renmin ribao, 25 July 1992.Google Scholar

23. Xinhua yuebao, No. 7 (1997), p. 75.Google Scholar The decision by the State Council to strengthen the management of the EBF was announced in Renmin ribao, 8 June 1996.Google Scholar

24. Jae Ho Chung, “Beijing confronting the provinces,” p. 8.Google Scholar

25. State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook 1996 (Beijing: China Statistical Publishing House, 1996), p. 143.Google Scholar

26. Ibid. pp. 69 and 143.

27. Courts in Jiangsu province accepted 174 such cases during January–June 1995. Elsewhere, in Hunan, between 1993 and 1996, 2,643 such cases were heard. The number of these cases in Sichuan in 1995 was 186. See Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 23 November 1996, p. 4.Google Scholar

28. Ibid.

29. Calhoun, Craig, “Mutual empowerment of state and peasantry,” World Development, Vol. 25, No. 9, p. 1434.Google Scholar

30. An article in Renmin ribao in 1996Google Scholar declared that the centre was still very concerned with the tanpai problem: between 1992 and 1996, the Central Committee and the State Council issued seven instructions, organized four inspections and instigated the supervision of many cases. In 1996 alone, the central leaders called for corrective actions on 22 occasions. See Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 23 November 1996, p. 4.Google Scholar

31. World Bank, China 2020: Development Challenges in the New Century (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1997), p. 24.Google Scholar

32. Earlier statistics also included price subsidies (as negative revenue) and borrowings. But these practices have been phased out. This paper uses new data which do not need to be adjusted for these two factors.Google Scholar

33. The high point at 1985 is partly due to two artificial factors. First, from 1985 onwards, price subsidies, which had hitherto been regarded as revenue-negating items, were entered as revenue-spending items, with the effect of increasing total revenue size. Secondly, in our calculation, subsidies to SOEs are added to the official budgetary revenue to account for the fact that this item is accounted as revenue-negating item in the official statistics, thus also increasing the size of budgetary revenue. Crucially, however, records on the subsidies started at a very high level in 1985.Google Scholar

34. For example, see Wong, “Central-local relations in an era of fiscal decline,” p. 697, where she cites the work of Barry Naughton.Google Scholar

35. For example, according to the result from the third national industrial census, the share of the non-state sectors in total gross industrial output rose from 25.4% in 1985 to 66.0% in 1995. See Renmin ribao, 19 February 1997.Google Scholar

36. State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook 1996, p. 226.Google Scholar

37. It should be recognized, however, that the favourable tax regime for non-state sectors contributed to the growth of these sectors.Google Scholar

38. BRB is calculated by dividing the net adjusted (for subsidies to SOEs) revenue growth rate by the net growth rate of GDP (GNP for 1979–82). The latter is derived from deflating the gross rate of adjusted revenue growth with a deflator, deduced from the gross growth and net growth of the GDP (or GNP).Google Scholar

39. See Wong, , Heady, and Woo, , Fiscal Management and Economic Reform, ch. 3.Google Scholar

40. For taxes in each of these categories, see World Bank, China: Revenue Mobilization and Tax Policy, p. 86, box 3.2.Google Scholar

41. See ibid. p. 85.

42. “Say no to Peking,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 4 April 1991, p. 21.Google Scholar

43. Jae Ho Chung, “Beijing confronts the provinces,” p. 7.Google Scholar

44. Finance and Economy Small Leading Group of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (ed.), Dangqian ji xiang chong dai jingji tizhi gaige (Some Important Reform Measures for Economic Restructuring at the Present) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1994), section 4.Google Scholar

45. Ibid. p. 105.

46. See Wong, “Central-local relations in an era of fiscal decline,” pp. 703–706.Google Scholar

47. Finance and Economy Small Leading Group of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (ed.), Some Important Reform Measures, pp. 8788.Google Scholar

48. The central taxes include: 1. customs duties; 2. consumption (or excise) tax and VAT levied by customs; 3. consumption tax; 4. income tax from central enterprises; 5. income tax from local banks and foreign-owned banks and non-banking financial institutions; 6. revenue from railways, bank headquarters, the People's Insurance Company (including business tax, income tax, profit and urban maintenance and construction tax); and 7. profit remittance of central enterprises. See ibid. p. 106Google Scholar

49. Eighteen taxes come under the local revenue category. They are: business tax (except those covered by No. 6 under central revenue), income tax from local enterprises (excluding those covered by No. 5 under central revenue), individual income tax, urban land use tax, fixed asset investment orientation adjustment tax, urban maintenance and construction tax (excluding those covered by No. 6 under central revenue), property tax, vehicle tax, stamp duty, slaughter tax, agriculture and husbandry tax, local agricultural specialty products tax, taking-up arable land tax, deeds tax, inheritance and gift tax, land value-gaining tax, compensatory revenue from state-owned land use, and an unspecified tax. See ibid. p. 106Google Scholar

50. As transitional measures, two lower rates, at 27% and 18%, were adopted for enterprises whose profits fell between 30,000 yuan and 100,000 yuan and below 30,000 yuan respectively.Google Scholar

51. Finance and Economy Small Leading Group of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (ed.), Some Important Reform Measures, pp. 5874.Google Scholar

52. An interview with Shanghai officials in April 1997 indicated that this separation had not taken place in Shanghai.Google Scholar

53. Wong, Christine P. W. (ed.), Financing Local Government in the People's Republic of China (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 33Google Scholar

54. Ibid. p. 34.

55. Ibid.

56. Finance and Economy Small Leading Group of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (ed.), Some Important Reform Measures, p. 95.Google Scholar

57. Ibid. p. 93.

58. Yu Zhong-yi, “Mainland China's taxation reform, its effect and some thoughts on perfecting it” (Beijing: Institute of Fiscal Science, the Ministry of Finance, memo, 1997), p. 5.Google Scholar

59. Finance and Economy Small Leading Group of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (ed.), Some Important Reform Measures, p. 92.Google Scholar

60. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 25 November 1994, p. 1.Google Scholar

61. An MOF official indicated that the overall target was 16% (interview, May 1997).Google Scholar

62. Some details of this episode are provided in Calhoun, Craig, Shifting Central-Provincial Relations in China: The Politics of Fixed Asset Investment in Shanghai and Guangdong, 1978–1993 (University of London: doctoral dissertation, 1995), chs. 5 and 6.Google Scholar

63. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 6 December 1995, p. 1.Google Scholar

64. State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook 1996, p. 235.Google Scholar

65. Beijing Review, 7–13 April 1997, p. 30.Google Scholar

66. It contains such disheartening passages as: “at present, difficulties and potential risks still exist in state finances. The deficit in the central budget remains high, and the objective of reducing the deficit set in the Ninth Five-Year Plan will be difficult to achieve. Huge debts are incurred in the central budget. Losses in taxation are still serious, cases such as arbitrary tax reduction or exemption, tax evasion, tax fraud, refusal to pay taxes and taxes in arrears frequently occur…The unauthorized establishment of funds and the collection of arbitrary charges are still common. The tax base is being seriously eroded by extra-budgetary charges. The diversion of state financial resources has not been checked, and the relations in income distribution have not been straightened out…”Google Scholar

67. Calhoun, Craig, “Between the lines,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 20 March 1997, p. 53.Google Scholar

68. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 23 July 1997, p. 1.Google Scholar

69. The rates are 17.7% and 17.3% respectively. See British Broadcasting Corporation, Summary of World Broadcasts: Weekly Economic Report, FEW/0490 WG/1, 11 June 1997.Google Scholar

70. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 23 July 1997, p. 1.Google Scholar

71. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 7 March 1998, p. 4.Google Scholar

72. This followed a similar reduction in July 1995 when the export rebate rates for agriculture and coal were reduced from 13% to 3%. For commodities on which the full VAT rate (17%) applies, the rate was cut to 14%. Alterations in 1996 cut the rate for the second category further to 9%.Google Scholar

73. Renda fuyin baokan ziliao: Caizheng yu shuiwu (People's University Reprint Series: Finance and Taxation), No. 3 (1997), p. 4.Google ScholarOriginally published in Zhongguo caijing bao (China Economic Daily), 25 February 1997, p. 3.Google Scholar

74. For example, see “China finds taxing times ahead: collectors sharpen techniques to get more revenue from citizens,” Asian Wall Street Journal, 2 June 1997, p. 1.Google Scholar

75. Personal interview in Shanghai, April 1997. This has since been confirmed by a report in Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 12 June 1998, p. 1.Google Scholar

76. Personal interview at the Ministry, April 1997. A World Bank study identified this as “quasi-revenue from electricity, vehicle and railroad freight.” See World Bank, China 2020: Development Challenges in the New Century, p. 28. This author's personal correspondence with Chinese researchers suggests that this includes electricity construction funds, railway construction funds, additional charges on vehicle purchasing, additional charges on communication, initial telephone installation funds in cities, and water conservancy construction funds.Google Scholar

77. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 23 July 1997, p. 1Google Scholar

78. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 18 December 1997, p. 1.Google Scholar

79. These include: Calhoun, Craig, “Tax sharing system: evaluation and suggestions,” Renda fuyin baokan ziliao: Caizheng yu shuiwu (People's University Reprint Series: Finance and Taxation), No. 12 (1996), p. 69;Google ScholarResearch Group of Public Finance for the Ninth Five-Year Plan, “Analysis of Chinese public finance for the Eighth Five-Year Plan and some suggestions for the fiscal policy during the Ninth Five-Year Plan,” Renda fuyin baokan ziliao, caizheng yu shuiwu (People's University Reprint Series: Finance and Taxation), No. 5 (1996), p. 5;Google ScholarCalhoun, Craig, “Some issues in revitalizing China's Public Finance,” in Calhoun, Craiget al., Jiequan yu fenquan – zhongyang yu difang guanxi de goujia (Centralization and Decentralization: Framework for central-local relationship) (Beijing: Jingji kexue chubanshe, 1996), p. 113.Google Scholar

80. Calhoun, Craig, “Some issues in revitalizing China's public finance,” p. 113. It is noted that this division bears no relation to the breakdown of the EBF as reported in China Statistical Yearbook, which shows 28.33 billion yuan for the centre and 157.92 billion yuan for the localities in the same year.Google Scholar

81. Personal interview with officials in Shanghai.Google Scholar

82. See Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 17 January 1998, p. 1,Google Scholar and State Statistical Bureau, China Statistical Yearbook 1996, p. 228.Google Scholar

83. See Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 16 February 1998, p. 2.Google Scholar

84. Personal correspondence with researchers in the Shanghai Municipal Government.Google Scholar

85. Hua, Jiang Yun, “Gradually perfecting the tax-sharing fiscal system,” Renda fuyin baokan ziliao: Caizheng yu shuiwu (People's University Reprint Series: Finance and Taxation), No. 7 (1997), p. 62.Google Scholar Originally published in Guanli shijie (World of Management), No. 2 (1997). The author is an official from the Ministry.Google Scholar

86. Calhoun, Craig, “Budgetary transfer payment from the centre to localities,” Jingji yanjiu (Economic Research), No. 3 (1997), p. 11.Google Scholar