¹ Ellis, J., ‘The “Black Indies”: the economic development of Newcastle, c. 1700–1840’, in Colls, R. and Lancaster, W. (eds.), Newcastle upon Tyne: A Modern History (Chichester, 2001), 15Google Scholar.

² Frank, A.G., Latin America: Underdevelopment or Revolution (New York, 1969)Google Scholar.

³ Elliott, N.R., ‘A geographical analysis of the Tyne coal trade’, Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 59 (1968), 71–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Flinn, M.W., Men of Iron: The Crowleys in the Early Iron Industry (Edinburgh, 1962)Google Scholar; Evans, C., ‘Manufacturing iron in the north-east during the eighteenth century: the case of Bedlington’, Northern History, 28 (1992), 178–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pilbin, P., ‘External relations of the Tyneside glass industry’, Economic Geography, 13 (1937), 301–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ridley, U., ‘The history of glass making on the Tyne and Wear’, Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser., 40 (1962), 145–62Google Scholar.

⁵ McCord, N., ‘North-east England: some points of regional interest’, in Pollard, S. (ed.) Region and Industrialisation: Studies in the Role of the Region in the Economic History of the Last Two Centuries (Göttingen, 1980)Google Scholar; Ellis, J., ‘A dynamic society: social relations in Newcastle-upon-Tyne 1660–1760’, in Clark, P. (ed.), The Transformation of English Provincial Towns 1600–1800 (London, 1984), 190–227Google Scholar.

⁶ Ellis, ‘The ‘Black Indies’, 26.

⁷ Wolmar, C., Fire and Steam: A New History of the Railways in Britain (London, 2007), 14Google Scholar.

⁸ Ibid., 13.

⁹ Hughes, T.P., Networks of Power (London, 1983), 443Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Ibid., 289–90.

¹¹ Because we are viewing a dynamic Newcastle in a world context, we use Chandler, T., Four Thousand Years of Urban Growth: An Historical Census (Lewiston, NY, 1987)Google Scholar. This source considers cities as urban agglomerations and therefore provides figures of municipal areas ‘plus suburbs’ (1). This is specifically important for our study because we are tracing ‘Newcastle’ from river port city to industrial conurbation (i.e. greater Tyneside). This changing city region approach means that the areal base of our demographics grows with the urban transformation. Such change is much more than demographic adjustments consequent on municipal boundary changes as given by Mitchell, B.R. and Deane, P., Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1971), 27Google Scholar.

¹² Taylor, P.J.et al., ‘Explosive city growth in the modern world-system’, Urban Geography, 31(2010), 865–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Wallerstein's concept of a modern world-system not only provides the transnational context (e.g. dependent ‘Indies’) for the proccesses we describe but also an appropriate transnational dynamics as hegemonic cycles: Wallerstein, I., Historical Capitalism (London, 1983)Google Scholar; idem, The Politics of the World Economy (Cambridge, 1984); idem, World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction (Durham, NC, 2004).

¹⁴ This economic development theory is particularly relevant to our study because it overtly focusses on economic change in cities. Although not a trained economist, Jane Jacobs has been described by economics Nobel laureate Paul Krugman (Development, Geography, and Economic Theory (Cambridge, MA, 1995), p. 5) as ‘patron saint of new growth theory’; see Nowlan, David's ‘Jane Jacobs among the economists’, in Allen, M. (ed.), Ideas that Matter: The Worlds of Jane Jacobs (Owen Sound, Ontario, 1997), 101–14)Google Scholar. The key writings we draw on are Jacobs, J., The Economy of Cities (New York, 1969)Google Scholar; idem, Cities and the Wealth of Nations (New York, 1984); and idem, The Nature of Economies (New York, 2000).

¹⁵ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 39.

¹⁶ This urban development process should not be confused with the national economic development policy of import substitution. The latter is a government policy of bringing industries into a country, it has nothing to do with the agglomeration processes that take place in cities that are stoked by myriad import replacing – see Jacobs, Cities and the Wealth of Nations, 135–9.

¹⁷ Ibid., 6.

¹⁸ Ibid., 121.

¹⁹ Taylor, P.J., Extraordinary Cities: Moral Syndromes, World-Systems and City/State Relations (Cheltenham, 2013), 64–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 150.

²¹ Ibid., 145.

²² Ibid., 260.

²³ Engels, F., The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 (London, 2009)Google Scholar; Weber, A.F., The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1899)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Braudel, F., The Perspective of the World (London, 1984), 32, 34Google Scholar.

²⁵ Wallerstein, The Politics of the World Economy.

²⁶ Ibid.; Wallerstein, World-Systems Analysis.

²⁷ Taylor, P.J., Modernities: A Geohistorical Interpretation (Cambridge, 1999)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Taylor et al. ‘Explosive city growth’.

²⁹ Ibid.; Taylor Extraordinary Cities.

³⁰ Ibid., 292.

³¹ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 151, describes precisely this process for Los Angeles.

³² Jacobs, Cities and the Wealth of Nations, 45–58.

³³ Marshall, A., Principles of Economics (London, 1890)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 160.

³⁵ Ibid., 155.

³⁶ Howell, R., Monopoly on the Tyne 1650–58: Papers relating to Ralph Gardner (Newcastle, 1978)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Gateshead, South Shields and North Shields (plus the Admiralty).

³⁸ Middlebrook, S., Newcastle upon Tyne: Its Growth and Achievement (Newcastle, 1950), 230Google Scholar.

³⁹ Geddes, P., Cities in Evolution (London, 1915)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 85–6.

⁴¹ Rennison, R.W., ‘The improvement of the River Tyne, 1815–1914’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 62 (1991), 113–42Google Scholar; Sheail, J., ‘Dredging the Tyne: an institutional perspective on process management’, Science of the Total Environment, 251–2 (2000), 139–51Google Scholar.

⁴² Barke, M., ‘The middle-class journey to work in Newcastle upon Tyne, 1850–1914’, Journal of Transport History, Third Series, 12 (1991), 107–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The development of public transport in Newcastle upon Tyne and Tyneside, 1850–1914’, Journal of Regional and Local Studies, 12 (1992), 29–52.

⁴³ Simmons, J., The Railway in Town and Country (Newton Abbot, 1986), 112Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Barke, ‘The middle-class journey to work’, 121.

⁴⁵ Barke, ‘The development of public transport’, 34.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 41.

⁴⁷ Barke, ‘The middle-class journey to work’, 132.

⁴⁸ ‘River steamers from Newcastle to North and South Shields’, Journal of the Tyneside Geographical Society, 3 (1895), iv.

⁴⁹ Barke, ‘The middle-class journey to work’, 126.

⁵⁰ Rowe, D.J., ‘Occupations in Northumberland and Durham, 1851–1911’, Northern History, 8 (1973), 119–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ The administrative area is called Tynemouth but since we are dealing with economic processes we refer to the main town, which is North Shields.

⁵² There are data incompatibilities for 1871 and this year is omitted, and, further, data for North Shields in 1881 and 1891 are missing. Hence, the data is reduced from 36 divisions of labour (7 census years × 5 areas) to 28 divisions of labour for subsequent analyses.

⁵³ Much of the developments in shipbuilding along the Tyne are missing from the analysis because the towns between Newcastle and the two Shields (Wallsend, Howdon, Jarrow, Hebburn) are not separately included in Rowe's data.

⁵⁴ Rummel, R.J., Applied Factor Analysis (Evanston, 1970), 112–13Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ A varimax rotation was applied to the top two components to differentiate clearly between the leading two patterns of occupations; ibid., 391–3.

⁵⁶ River improvements and the development of staithes where coal could be dropped directly into seagoing vessels resulted in the decline of boatmen employed to work keels (Fewster, J.M., The Keelmen of Tyneside: Labour Organisation and Conflict in the North-East Coal Industry, 1600–1830 (Woodbridge, 2011))Google Scholar. However, we are conscious that the census takers had problems in enumerating seamen, especially when global trading vessels became relatively more significant than the weekly coastal trade to London, implying longer periods of absence for sailors (Burton, V.C., ‘Counting seafarers: the published records of the registry of merchant seamen’, Mariner's Mirror, 71 (1985) 305–20)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Johnson, R.W., Making of the Tyne: A Record of Fifty Years’ of Progress (London, 1895), 1Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ There is a direct parallel between this ‘booster’ language about late nineteenth-century Newcastle and the claims of the late twentieth-century ‘Los Angles School’ where this other late developer was deemed to be ‘redefining the way we understand cities’ (Dear, M. and Flusty, S. (eds.), The Spaces of Postmodernity: Readings in Human Geography (Malden, MA, 2002))Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Johnson, Making of the Tyne, 48, italics added.

⁶⁰ O. Lendrum, ‘An integrated elite: Newcastle's economic development 1840–1914’, in Colls and Lancaster (eds.), Newcastle upon Tyne, 29.

⁶¹ Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 97–8.

⁶² P.J. Corfield, ‘“Giving directions to the town”: the early town directories’, Urban History Yearbook (1984), 22–35; Shaw, G., British Directories as a Source in Historical Geography (Lancaster, 1982)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Directory of Newcastle upon Tyne & Gateshead (1801), Mitchell, available http://goo.gl/zWWC; Kelly's Directory of Newcastle, Gateshead, Sunderland, North and South Shields and Suburbs (1883), available http://goo.gl/j8h5.

⁶⁴ In estimates for in-migration to Newcastle between 1770 and 1910, the decade 1881–90 is recorded as having by far the largest number of migrants. See M. Barke, ‘The people of Newcastle. A demographic history’, in R. Colls and W. Lancaster (eds.) Newcastle upon Tyne, 136.

⁶⁵ Significantly, Bainbridge's of Newcastle has been claimed to be one of the first department stores with innovations such as labelled fixed prices and allowing shoppers to walk around without any obligation to buy. The firm also diversified into manufacturing its own brands of clothing and shoes (on several different sites) in the 1880s. See Adburgham, A., Shops and Shopping, 1800–1914 (London, 1964), 138–40Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ This was apparent even in the coal mining industry where technological innovations permitted mining to go much deeper. See Smailes, A.E., ‘The development of the Northumberland and Durham Coalfield’, Scottish Geographical Magazine, 51 (1935), 201–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ In 1901, Newcastle was ranked sixth in Britain in terms of its proportion of white-collar workers, Crossick, G., ‘The emergence of the lower middle class in Britain: a discussion’, in Crossick, G. (ed.) The Lower Middle Class in Britain (London, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Here is an example of an entrepreneur starting a career in old work and shifting to a very different new work. Born in Newcastle in 1863, Lionel Clapman is a founder member of the Tyneside Geographical Society in 1887 and is described as a ‘Quayside business man’ confirmed in the 1891 census as a ‘coal exporter’. His firm goes bankrupt in 1896 and the following year he appears as the UK secretary of Fridtjof Nansen, the Norwegian polar explorer. However, in the 1901 census he appears as a ‘seed and bulb merchant’ and in 1911 as ‘managing director of limited company of seed and bulb merchants’, clearly becoming a successful businessman responding to new and growing demands from city gardening activities (just one ‘seed merchant’ is recorded in the 1883 Directory). After living most of his life in Newcastle, he dies at the suburban coast (Whitley Bay) in 1916.

⁶⁹ More generally, Ellis, ‘A dynamic society’, 217–20, provides a detailed analysis of the town's occupational structure through the eighteenth century and the division of labour is shown to be relatively stable. Most of the occupational categories identified show some fluctuations but with no significant trends although numbers of ‘merchants’ do decline whilst ‘pitmen’ and, to a lesser degree, ‘smiths’ increase. This, of course, is exactly what one would expect of the ‘Black Indies’ economy.

⁷⁰ Macleod, D.S., ‘Private and public patronage in Victorian Newcastle’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtald Institutes, 52 (1989), 188–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷¹ Rowe, D.J., ‘The social and economic characteristics of Northumberland in the 1880s’, in Pickering, W.S.F. (ed.), A Social History of the Diocese of Newcastle (Stocksfield, 1981), 17Google Scholar.

⁷² Macleod, ‘Private and public patronage’.

⁷³ Newton, L. and Gerdts, A.B., Cullercoats: A North-East Colony of Artists (Bristol, 2003), 42–51Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Newcastle upon Tyne, Royal Mining, Engineering and Industrial Exhibition: Official Catalogue (Newcastle, 1887).

⁷⁵ Briggs, A., Victorian Cities (London, 1963)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Allen, J., Joseph Allen and Popular Radicalism on Tyneside, 1829–1900 (Monmouth, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Hugman, J., ‘Print and preach: the entrepreneurial spirit of nineteenth-century Newcastle’, in Colls, and Lancaster, (eds.) Newcastle upon Tyne: A Modern History, (Chichester, 2001), 113Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Cowen's Newcastle Daily Chronicle claimed a circulation of 45,000 in 1873, the largest of any provincial city, ahead of the Manchester Guardian with 30,000 in 1880 and not too far behind The Times with 60,000 around the same time (Milne, M., The Newspapers of Northumberland and Durham (Newcastle, 1971), 69)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Notice its title as Tyneside rather than just Newcastle reflecting the new multi-nodal city region.

⁸⁰ The others were Manchester, founded three years earlier, and the Royal Scottish Geographical Society, also established in 1884.

⁸¹ Tyneside Geographical Society, Visitors Book (Newcastle, 1891–2013).

⁸² Horsley, W.D. ‘Electrical engineering’, in British Association for the Advancement of Science, Scientific Survey of North-Eastern England (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1949), 147Google Scholar.